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designer bags cyber monday>designer bags cyber monday camera bag cyber mondayEven mature democracies struggle with the issue of fake news. On January 1, 2018, Germany announced that it would begin to enforce a law, known as NetzDG, requiring social media sites to remove hate speech and fake news within 24 hours or face fines of up to 50 million Euros. In March 2018, the European Commission's High Level<\/g> Group on fake news and online disinformation issued a report concluding that although disinformation may not necessarily be illegal, it nevertheless is harmful to democratic values. Although ostensibly eschewing "any form of censorship, either public or private," it advocates greater self-regulation in the short term, with a long-range goal of developing a Code of Practices to encourage transparency, media literacy, diversity, the development of tools to "tackle" disinformation, and further research to monitor and assess the sources and impact of fake news. On the other hand, also in March, the Dutch Parliament voted to repudiate EUvsDisinfo.eu, a European Union website created by the East Stratcom Task Force in 2015 to report disinformation and fake news allegedly spread by Russian actors. Its Dutch opponents characterize it as a state publication that "passes judgments whether a publication in the free media contains the correct views or not. If your publication ends up in its database, you're officially labeled by the EU as a publisher or disinformation and fake news." In subsequent years, the First Amendment protection expanded to include lawsuits by public figures as well as government officials. Alleging falsity was not enough. No doubt this situation is what prompted Donald Trump, first as a candidate and then as president, to float the idea that the law should be changed. At a rally in Fort Worth, Texas, in February 2016, Trump vowed, "I'm going to open up our libel laws so when they write purposely negative and horrible and false articles, we can sue them and win lots of money. We're going to open up libel laws, and we're going to have people sue you like<\/g> you've never got[ten] sued before." In March 2017, he claimed in a tweet that "The failing nytimes has disgraced the media world. Gotten me wrong for two solid years. Change libel laws?" And in October, he complained that it is "frankly disgusting the press is able to write whatever it wants to write." He raised the issue again in January 2018, contending that "Our current libel laws are a sham and a disgrace and do not represent American values." As frustrating as that might be for Trump, it is exactly Justice Brennan's point. As a commentator in The Federalist observed, freedom of the press is "too important to allow public figures . . . to use the courts to silence the publications of things they didn't like or that made them look bad." This brings us to the heart of the matter: Is Trump really bothered by falsehoods or by truthful reports that make him "look bad"? Libel law in the United States is, as then<\/g>-10th Circuit Judge Neil Gorsuch wrote in Bustos v. A&E Television Networks, "not about compensating for damage done to a false reputation by the publication of hidden facts. It's about protecting a good reputation honestly earned." Libel suits are intended to provide compensation to those whose reputations have been harmed as a result of false statements made with actual malice. By design, that is a very difficult standard to meet. In 1988, in a Harvard Law Review article, Judge Pierre N. Leval, then of the Southern District of New York, advocated creation<\/g> of what he called the "no-money, no-fault" libel suit. Under Leval's system, plaintiffs could sue to obtain a declaratory judgment of falsity. The fault requirements of Sullivan and its progeny would not apply, because, Leval claimed, "the sole purpose" of the Sullivan standard was to protect the press from crippling monetary awards. He also argued that these "no-money, no-fault" trials would be simpler, more efficient, less expensive, and would protect the media from inquiries into their news-gathering practices. They would provide plaintiffs with a far greater chance of vindicating their reputations, which is really what most of them want, he wrote. Neither of these proposals was adopted at the state level. However, in 1993, the Uniform Law Commission promulgated the Uniform Correction or Clarification of Defamation Act (UCCDA) making a correction/clarification request a prerequisite to a libel suit. Under the Uniform Act, if, after a correction or clarification was published, the case still went to trial, a prevailing plaintiff could recover only economic losses, not punitive damages. As of 2018, only North Dakota, Texas, and Washington had adopted the UCCDA. Perhaps Trump would prefer some version of the "no-money, no-fault" trial. Although proof of actual malice would be off the table in a "truth trial," the reality is that even then, "[i]t is the reporter's accuracy, integrity, professional reputation and standing that are ultimately at stake," as litigator Don Reuben argued in the ABA Journal in April 1989. He contended that the Annenberg proposal would "chill the hell out of the working press, the reporter and editor" by making it easier for plaintiffs to prevail in court. He feared that corporate media would be tempted to embrace the "no-fault, no damages" option, abandoning First Amendment defenses and sacrificing the reporter in the name of expediency. If that was true in 1989, it is even truer in 2018, when economic constraints encourage news organizations to reduce their financial exposure as much as possible. With its potential humiliation of the news organization and journalists as a bonus, the "no-money, no-fault" trial might be an option that Trump would relish. Jane E. Kirtley is the Silha Professor of Media Ethics and Law at the Hubbard School of Journalism and Mass Communication at the University of Minnesota, where she directs the Silha Center for the Study of Media Ethics and Law and is an affiliated faculty member at the Law School. She was a Fulbright Scholar at the University of Latvia in 2016 and the executive director of the Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press from 1985 to 1999.
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